Gilberto Valdez, The Complexity of Domination and the Complexity of Struggle
Notes from a talk at the Institute of Philosophy, University of Havana, July 2013—part of an annual study tour sponsored by the Center for Global Justice. (The notes may be a bit choppy because of the challenges of following simultaneous translation from Spanish to English.)
We have had workshops on Marx’s Capital since 1995. At the same time we have also rejected the coloniality of knowledge. We must integrate traditional and scientific (Marxist) knowledge.
We must study components of domination, and understand how trans national corporations (TNCs) operate at global and local levels. How do they make us sweat? What are the new forms of exploitation and social exclusion, the complexity of domination that we experience?
Neoliberalism was imposed, first with fire and blood in Chile, then by building consensus.
There have been tremendous advances in Latin America:
–we have retrieved our political sovereignty
–we control oil and natural gas on the continent
–we have movements that are anti-colonial, anti-neoliberal and anti-capitalist
–we have used elections in a counterhegemonic way. Some of the governments like Venezuela have made gains against the old power, and pushed as far as they could. Venezuela has one of the most advanced constitutions in the world.
In the 80s,we fought neo-fascist dictatorships; in the 90s we struggled against neoliberalism. But power gave rise to new forms of exploitation and exclusion. We see changes in the morphology of labor.
Economically, neoliberalism is a failure. Politically and socially it is a huge success because it imposes: There are no alternatives, get used to it. Neoliberalism is full of inconsistencies:
- It talks about freedom, but comes out against democracy. For neoliberalism, freedom= property.
- Neoliberalism pretends that markets are natural, not created by the state.
- Neoliberalism pretends that it is not strengthening the state.
Chile showed us a genocidal neoliberal model. There is also social-cultural struggle against discrimination. The conquest was not only territorial, but also of our bodies and identities. Patriarchy came before capitalism, but capitalism magnifies patriarchy.
In India we see the horror of a dowry system. At the same time, Britain justified its invasion of India on the grounds of “saving women.”
A component of domination and alienation is illiteracy. Telesur (Venezuelan TV) is not allowed in Mexico. We need to face illiteracy creatively at all levels.
The complexity of domination helps us understand the complexity of struggle. We have to set aside the idea that first we struggle for power, then we get around to women, indigenous, Afro-descendent struggles. These must be simultaneous struggles!
The continent of the political has been widened. Where we have had victories the enemy is not the government, but the elite, although displaced from power, still allied with the TNCs.
The state is very important. We must have access to government! How did ALBA emerge? From Chavez and Fidel, who had control of sovereignty. They could plan: How many doctors are needed in Venezuela, 10,000? 20,000? 30,000? The principle is solidarity. I share with you, not expecting you to give back. This is reciprocity.
In the Economic Council of Latin America, all Latin American countries have a seat to negotiate with the North. We go as far as we can, not as far as we wish.
Too often we under-rate struggles waged by emerging groups. For example, the struggle for water is an anti-capitalist struggle, against the banks and the TNCs like Coke. Or the struggle for the environment—Pachemama vs. Pachamiami/Mafia. We did not fully appreciate the importance of the indigenous struggle—if our theory was reductionist, we had to dress up the indigenous people as workers or peasants.
Our countries are like islands, learning to live in a different way. Look at Brazil—the MST is one of the most important movements in the world. It is directly fighting capitalism. They seize land, and do intensive agriculture. It is better for the MST to have Lula in power. Socialism only on one block is not good.
In Cuba we have lived in solidarity for half a century. This is of value.
A coop can be a capitalist enterprise, or can be guided by feelings of cooperation. As Cuba leaves behind total state control of the economy—yes, capitalism could re-emerge. We need to reconstruct a socialist consensus, not a declaration, but in daily life, and with Cuban youth. We need to include the youth! We need more families to have direct experience with the rest of Latin America, so that we can build that spirit!
We went to an extreme with having everything under the control of the state, from restaurants to hair dressers to oil refineries. Some presented peanut sellers as enemies of the people. We need a diversity of forms of property, not only state property.
We have to perfect the people’s power.
The challenge is to improve the life of the people, to focus on the production and reproduction of daily life. We must innovate and look at results. The most important thing is the political participation of the people.
We debate these matters with absolute liberty. However in some cases the discussion is narrowed when people have been called names: “You’ve moved to the right.” In the earlier versions of the new guidelines for the economy, our social scientists were not present. This is suicide.
Yes, we could lose socialism, lose solidarity. It all depends on what the people want. “From the worst mistakes the best ideas can emerge. From a turmoil of ideas can come clarity.”
Yes, we need a class perspective. But we do not want class reductionism. Cuban society is very complex. We will renew the political and ethical principles of socialism.